Does might truly make right? Trump has forged close ties with Saudi Arabia’s crown prince.
Date of publication: 31 August, 2019. The New Arab.
The Middle East has reverted to a kind of primitive savagery. The states of the region had historically treated their citizens with casual brutality, in the interest of preventing dissent, but the ferocious civil wars and interstate conflicts since the so-called Arab Spring in 2011 have introduced a new level of viciousness reminiscent of the Middle Ages.
Despite the civilized terminology of modern international relations, the old rule that “might makes right” is very much alive and well in the interactions of states.
Yemen:
When Mohammad bin Salman (MbS), the
29 year old son of the newly ascendant king of Saudi Arabia, was appointed
Minister of Defence in 2015, one of his first major acts was to intervene in
the Yemeni civil war.
His primary instrument of war was the immensely expensive, high tech Saudi air
force. He also assembled a coalition of forces, starting with his neighbor in
the United Arab Emirates, which provided ground forces and training for foreign
fighters and tribal militias.
From the beginning, the Saudi pilots came in for intense criticism since their bombs seemed to hit almost everything except military targets. Factories, markets, dairies, and farms were hit, sometimes repeatedly, in addition to wedding parties, mosques, and apartment buildings. The Saudis insisted that they were not responsible for most of these events, even though their coalition’s planes dominated the air.
Part of
this, indeed, could be attributed to pilot error and collateral damage. But a
pattern emerged. Saudi Arabia and its allies established selective blockades of
Yemeni ports, on the grounds of preventing Iran or others from smuggling
armaments into the country.
This resulted in lengthy delays of imported wheat and other foodstuffs. This,
together with destruction of food production and delivery within the country
resulted in near famine.
Inadvertently or not, two-thirds of the Yemeni population today would be near
starvation without UN assistance. Destruction of water supplies and hospitals
has resulted in the greatest cholera outbreak in the world.
Regardless of the cautious and neutral language of diplomacy, it is a siege.
Qatar
Two years later, in June 2017, the UAE and Saudi Arabia suddenly announced a total boycott of the energy-rich peninsular state of Qatar.
They accused Qatar of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood and sponsoring terrorist activities. By this time the two Mohammads (bin Salman, MbS, of Saudi Arabia and bin Zayed, MbZ, of the UAE) both dominant political figures in their two countries, had joined up with Donald Trump.
Trump
initially applauded their plot, even though the largest US airbase in the
Middle East was located just outside Doha, Qatar. Over time the United States
has moved to a more neutral position, but the boycott has persisted.
All air traffic into and out of Qatar has been reduced to a single narrow
passage; all movement of goods across Qatar’s land borders has been blocked;
and transshipment of goods via ports of the blockading states has been
prohibited.
Qatar is a tiny state with vast financial resources. Saudi Arabia and the UAE made no secret of their expectation that Qatar would succumb to their pressure in a matter of weeks. Two years later, Qatar has adapted and seems to have weathered the crisis. However, the siege continues.
Iran
In May 2018,
the United States announced its withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action) otherwise known as the Iran nuclear
deal.
At the time, Iran was in compliance with the terms of the deal, which had been
negotiated by the United States together with the other permanent members of
the UN Security Council and Germany, and ratified unanimously by the Security
Council.
On Trump’s watch, the United States reimposed the sanctions that had been
removed as part of the deal and then imposed a harsh additional set of
sanctions, including a total ban on the Iranian oil trade and the
criminalization of large parts of the Iranian government and economy.
President Trump said that the purpose of this unprecedented siege of a UN member state was to drive Iran back to the negotiating table for a more comprehensive agreement.
His aides did not openly dispute the president, but they made it very clear that their objective was to remove the theocratic regime in Tehran.
Secretary of
State Mike Pompeo recently summarized the purpose of the Maximum Pressure
campaign as
follows: “We have applied enormous pressure to enable the Iranian
people to change the direction of their leadership.”
The president said he was prepared to meet Iranian leaders and negotiate
without preconditions; his aides set some daunting conditions and said that
negotiations would take place “when circumstances are right”.
On one point
there is agreement. Iran’s economy is suffering. GDP is down; inflation is up;
businesses that rely on imports or exports are facing collapse; and critical
items, even including medicine, are in dwindling and uncertain supply.
The Iranian government, however, appears to be in little danger. Demonstrations
have largely ceased, and the external threat seems to have prompted some
rallying around the flag. Hardliners, who take profit and vindication from
external interference, are ascendant.
Who pays the price?
So there are three sieges presently being pursued in the Middle East. None of them appears to be accomplishing its stated purpose, and each of them could be ended tomorrow. But the siege-masters are unwilling to acknowledge any error, and they seem to believe that any sign of weakness would raise questions about their own might.
So all three seem destined to be
drawn out affairs, not unlike medieval campaigns to take a well-fortified
castle. The warriors in their planes and the policymakers in their comfortable
offices will make their calculations and persevere.
And just like the Middle Ages, it will
be the little people caught between might and right who will pay the price.
Categories: Uncategorized
